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GRAND MASS MEETING 



AT THB 



COOPER INSTITUTE. 



4^» 



NOMINATION OF 






m. mMUU 



TO THE PRESIDENCY. 



WEDNESDAY, DEC. 4, 1867. 



PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEB. 



NEW-YORK: 

8K0RGE F. NESBITT & CO., PRINTERS AND STTATIONEKS, 
Cor. Poarl and Pine Streets. 

1867. 



GRAND 

AT THK 

COOPER INSTITUTE, 

T?^EID1SIESID-A.3r, IDEC- 4, 1867, 



The public feeling in favor of tlie nomination of General 
Grant for the Presidency, which has been rapidly increas- 
ing, not only in this vicinity but throughout the country, 
for some time past, culminated in a grand mass meeting, at 
the Cooper Iicstitute, on Wednesday evening, December 
4th, held in response to a call from a large number of our 
most prominent merchants, bankers and business men, re- 
presenting all the great interests of public industry. As 
the first public demonstration in favor of General Grant 
for President, it was a great success. Seldom has the 
Cooper Institute been filled with as large an audience, or 
one better representing the various classes of our popula- 
tion, than the one assembled there on that night A good 
number of ladies were present The hall was tastefully 
decorated for the occasion with the Stars and Stripes, and 
the flags of the leading nations of the earth. Suspended at 



the rear of the platform was a life-siae portrait of General 
Grant, while in front of the speakers' desk one of Eogers' 
beautiful statuettes of the hero represented him sitting at 
his ease in his chair, smoking the inevitable cigar. 

On the right of the platform, and stretching to the inner 
entrance door of the hall, was the motto : 

" I will help the boys to take one battery more." 

On the left : 

" The^ Constitution — it Uvea forever." 

And at the back of the hall, fronting the platform, the 
legend : 

" The Union must and will be preserved." 



The following is the call under which the meeting organ- 
ized: 

"NOMINATION OF 

BY THE 

Merchants, Bankers, Mechanics and "Workingmen of New-York. 



CALL rOE A MEETING ON WEDNESDAY NEXT. 



New- York, Nov. 25, 1867. 

The undersigned, citizens of New- York, desirous of pro- 
moting the welfare of the country, respectfully invite a 
mass assemblage of all who honor distinguished and patriotic 
services in the National cause, at the Cooper Institute, on 



Wednesday, the 4th of December, at 8 o'clock, p. M., to 
present the name of General Ulysses S. Grant for the 
office of President of th6 United States, at the next ensuing 
election : 



ALEXANDER T. STEWART, HAMILTON FISH, 



WILLIAM B. ASTOR, 
MOSES TAYLOR, 
B. W. BONXEY, 
W. M. VERM I LYE, 
HENRY K. BOGERT, 
WM. E. DODGE, 
HENRY CLEWS, 
WILLIAM H. WEBB, 
JAMES BROWN, 
WILLIAM T. BLODGETT, 
GEORGE B. BUTLER, 
HENRY HILTON, 
JOHN J. THELPS, 
CHARLES GOULD, 
JOHN E. WILLIAMS, 
JOHN C. GREEN, 
JAMES WADSWORTH, 
JAMES I. ROOSEVELT, 
CHARLES AIKMAN, 
WM. W. CORNELL, 
HENRY NICOLL, 
HENRY T. KIERSTED, 
WILLIAM B. WHI'RB, 
WILLIAM R. STEWART, 
JOHN F. ROTTMAN, 
SOLON HUMPHREYS, 



MOSES H. GRINNELL, 
ROBERT L. STUART, 
JOHN P. CONOVER, 
C. VANDERBILT, 
S. B. CHITTENDEN, 
JOHN COCHRANE, 
J. J. ASTOR, Jh,, 
S. KNAPP, 
HENRY M. TABER, 
CHARLES KNEELANr 
WILLIAM SCOTT, 
J. Q. JONES, 
PAUL SPOFFORD, 
LE G. B. CANNON, 
R. H. McCURDY, 
HENRY E. DA VIES, 
ETHAN ALLEN, 
JOHN KELLUM, 
GEORGE P. BRADFORD 
ALEXANDER SHALER, 
CHARLES CHRIST, 
JOHN V. GRIDLEY, 
MINTHORNE TOMPKINS, 
IRA 0. MILLER, 
ISAAC J. OLIVER, 
ELISHA SNIFFEN. 



and several hundred others. 

A number of distinguished speakers have been invited, 
and will be present, of which notice will be given." 



Although Iho meeting was announced for 8 o'clock, yet 
tl'.c hall was crowded to ita utmost capacity by half-past 



seven ; and, as the platform waa already crowded with the 
speakers and guests of the evening, it was thought best to 
organize immediately. 

The Hon. Wai. E, Dodge called the meeting to order) 
and, in doing so, spoke as follows : 

REMARKS OP HON. WM. E. DODGE. 

"I congratulate you, fellow-citizens, that we have met in 
such numbers here to night under such auspicious circum- 
stances. It is gratifying to say that, half an hour before 
the hour called for this meeting, that this room is crowded 
to overflowing with citizens who have come here to manifest 
their ap[irobation of the call which has been published in 
our papers during the past week. We are met to-night to 
give a spontaneous approval of the nomination of Ulysses 
S. Grant — [tremendous applause] — for President of the 
United States for the next four years. [Renewed ap]>lausc.] 
And now I have the pleasure of nominating, as presiding 
officer of this meeting, Alexander T. Stewart." 

The nomination of Mr. Stewart was unanimously adopted, 
and, on taking the chair, he addressed the meeting as fol- 
lows: 

REMARKS OP ALEXANDER T. STEWART, ESQ. 

"I thank yon, fellow-citizens, for the honor of being ap- 
pointed to preside over this great meeting, representiiig the 
industrial, commercial and monetary interests of this me- 
tropolis. The situation of the country calls for a chief 
magistrate o,f wisdom, firmness, virtue and experience, and 
these are possessed, in an eminent degree, by the great 
chieftain and no^ distinguished statesman. General Grant. 
We have assembled here to rV^t V 9'd his election, not 
with any party or mercenary objects, but solely to promote 
the substantial interests of the whole Union, The country 
now requires the immediate and wise adjustment of its dis 



turhed social and political relations. In the performance 
of whatever duties may devolve on the President in this 
matter, all must feel, as well at the South as the North, 
that, if elected to this high ofBce, all the magnanimity that 
is compatible with safety, will be shown by General Grant 
His solid and great qualities assure us that he is equally 
fitted for peace as for war, and that, under his administra- 
tion, the purposes of the war will be accomplished in 
securing this great connected country for a united, free, 
prosperous and happy people." [Applause.] 

General John Cochrane then nominated, as Vice- 
Presidents and Secretaries of the meeting, the following 
gentleman, who were confirmed with much enthusiasm: 



vice-presidents. 



William B. Astor, 
Cornelius Vanderbilt, 
Peter Cooper, 
Wm. n. Webb, 
Robert L. Stuart, 
Waldo Plutchina, 
Andreas Willman, 
William E. Dodge, 
John D. Wolfe, 
Henry Oilton, 
Wm. M. Vermilye, 
John J. Phelps, 
Samuel Wetmore, 
S. B. Chittenden, 
John Steward, 
P. C. Calhoun, 
William T. Blodgott, 
Murray Hoffman, 
<i!fcxander Shaler, 
Wm. H. Aspinwall, 
Prosper M. Wetmore, 
Henry M. Tuber, 
Shepherd Knapp, 



Hamilton Fish, 
Francis B. Cutting, 
James Brown, 
Jeremiah Simonson, 
George Griswold, 
Aaron Yanderpoel, 
A. C. Kingsland, 
Richard D. Latbrop, 
Charles Gould, 
William R. Stewart, 
George William Curtia, 
Elliot C. Cowdin, 
James H. Banker, 
George S. Coe, 
Henry Reickard, 
Jackson S. Schultz, 
Francis Lciber, 
Denning Duer, 
Fredftrvk T I<>c.ke, 
John Wadsworth, 
William G. Jjimbert, 
Augustus E. Silliman 
Jonathan S targes, 



William Seligman, 
Amos R. Edo, 
Marshall 0. Roberts, 
Henry K. Bogert, 
Frederick S. Winston, 
Walter L. Cutting, 
Henry E. Davies, 
Henry Clews, 
John C. Green, 
Joseph Stuart, 
Rufus F. Andrews, 
Paul SpofTord, 
J. Q. Jones, 
John Cochrane, 
Samuel B. Ruggles, 
Henry Nicoll, 
Charles Butler, 
Uoyd Aspinwall, 
Daniel Drew, 
C. P. Leverich, 
John Slosson, 
L. E. Chittenden, 
M. H. Levin, 
Le Grand Lockwood, 
Henry Keep, 
George W. Blunt, 
0. D. P. Grant, 
Frank W. Worth, 
Charles P. Kirkland, 
Richard M. Blatchford, 
William W. Stone, 
Sheppard Gandy, 
William A. Booth, 
Wilson G. Hunt, 
Albert Speyers, 
Ernst Caylus, 
Edward Minturn, 
F. S, Lathrop, 
William A. Darling, 
A. W. Spies, 
Charles C. Taber, 



Elliott F. Shepard, 
Edward P. Cowles, 
George Jones, 
Douglas Campbell, 
Benjamin W. Bonney, 
John E. Williams, 
Frank E. Howe, 
C. A. Arthur, 
James Kelly, 
Smith Ely, Jr., 
E. D. Stanton, 
Leonard W. Jerome, 
James R. Whiting, 
Erastus C. Benedict, 
Charles H. Ludington, 
James Low, 
Egbert L. Viele, 
Jos. J. Comstock, 
Henry F. De Groot, 
Frederick Depeyster, 
Howard L. Parmele, 
Thomas H. Faile, 
Richard W. Weston, 
John H. Swift, 
George Roberts, 
William Wateon, 
Isaac Bernheimer, 
W. K. Kitchett 
John B. Moreau, 
George F. Talman, 
William Orton, 
Richard Grant White, 
J. J. Roosevelt, 
John T. Terry, 
George Cabot Ward, 
Josiah Oakes, 
Wed W. Clarke, 
Thomas H. Morrell, 
Alfred H. Pratt, 
J. S. T. Stranahan, 
L. W. Winchester, 



Gnlian "0. Verplanck, 
Solon Humphreys, 
James Wadsworth, 
J. F. D. Lanier, _ 
A. M. White, 
H. M. Holbrook, 
Josiah Hedden, 
Alfred B. Darling, 
William B. Meeker, 
George B. Batler, 
George R. Jackson, 
Cornelias R. Agnew, 
Thomas B. Asten, 
Simeon Leland, 
Joseph B. Taylor, 
Levi P. Morton, 
Edward C. Bogert, 
Andrew H. Green, 
Hiram Walbridge, 
Seth B. Hunt, 
John W. Farmer, 
William E. Dodge, Jr., 
Benjamin F. Manierre, 
George P. Putnam, 
David Adoe, 
John H. Almy, 
William E. Esterbrook, 
Marshall Lefferts, 
S. Y. R. Cooper, 
James F. De Peyster, 
Theron R. Butler, 
Hugo Wesendonck, 
John D. Townsend, 
Abraham Lent, 
Andrew Carrigan, 
Moses Taylor, 
Jacob A. Westervelt, 
Moses H. Grinnell, 
John J. Astor, Jr., 
A. A. Low, 
Le Grand B. CaanoD, 
2 



Townsend Harris, 
George W. Thomas, 
Anson S. Brown, 
Joseph Ripley, 
Edward C. Bogert, 
George T. Strong, 
George F. Xesbitt, 
T. Bailey Myers, 
Thomas Murphy, 
Charles L. Authony, 
William T. Ashman, 
Samuel C. Reed, 
John H. Sherwood, 
Samuel Cantrel, 
Ira 0. Miller, 
Frank W. Ballard, 
Temple Prime, 
George W. Quintard, 
William H. Macy, 
Robert Crowe, 
Thomas Mulligan, 
Udolpho Wolfe, 
C. T. Wemple, 
Joseph n. Godwin, 
William Libbey, 
John Sniffin, 
George B. Yan Brunt, 
John McClave, 
William Y. Alexander, 
J. M. Patterson, 
James P. Greve, 
Corneliug Yan Cott, 
P. W. Bedford, 
Charles Schultz, 
Isaac Sherman, 
Charles L. Tiffany, 
Charles A. Dana, 
Thomas C. Acton, 
William Barton, 
W. A. White, 
John ALstyne, 



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10 



Robert H. McCurdy, 
Edward S. Jaffray, 
Lewis A. Nauman, 
William II. Fogg, 
Charlea II. Russell, 
William R. Travers, 
Frederick A. Conkling, 
Morris Ketchum, 
Charles Kneeland, 
John U. White, 
Timothy G. Churchill, 
D. Randolph Martin, 
Charlcfl A. Macy, 
William Bloodgood, 
Charles 11. Marshall, 
Samuel Sinclair, 
William Hoge, 
Charles W. Elliott, 
William Scott, 
James G. Day, 
Simeon Baldwin, 
Joseph Lee, 
David Van Nostrand, 
Nathaniel llayden, 
Oliver H. Palmer, 
Robert B. Mintum, 
Robert L. Kennedy, 
Henry F. Vail, 
John A. Weeks, 
George Bliss, 
George F. Steinbrenner, 
Robert L. Darrow, 
Uriel A. Murdock, 
Spencer Kirby, 
A. V. Stout, 
Eugene Keteltas, 
Charles Astor Bristed, 
William A. Hall, 
James B. Taylor, 
Charles E. Beebee, 
'Jtia D. Swan, 



Richard Kelly, 
Luther B. Wyman, 
William J. McAlpine, 
Edward Learned, 
George Bell, 
E. V. Haughwout, 
Minthorne Tompkins, 
Theodore Roosevelt, 
Morris Franklin, 
Ethan Allen, 
Charles W. Griswold, 
George EI. Moore, 
J. Austin Stevens, 
William A. Budd, 
Robert S. Hone, 
William V. Brady, 
James White, 
I^njamin Merritt, 
William O. Bourne, 
David R. Jacques, 
Richard Mott, 
Theodore W. Parmele, 
Edwin Dodds, 
John n. Morris, 
Joshua G. Peck, 
J. W. Allen, 
John T. Eckholl, 
Robert S. Dobbie, 
John Taylor, 
Jesse Fonda, 
Joseph Uodgman, 
M. B. Brown, 
William U. Raynor, 
Francis A. Thomas, 
John G. Wandell, 
Matthew Kane, 
H. G. Leaak, 
Peter Morris, 
Joseph R. Frith, 
Isaac J. Oliver, 
Robert South, 



> 



11 

M. B. Wilson, Jamoa Fairman, 

William II. Lee, C. K. Garrison. 

Joshua G. Abbe, 

SECKETARIES. 

Richard A. McOurdy, TTenrj' 11. Rice, 

Samuel J. Glassey, Cephas Brainerd, 

James Galway, Thomas L. Tbornell, 

Jesse Payne, Charles T. Polhamup, 

Charles T. Evans, Frank Moore, 

Martin C. Gross, Charles Morean, 

George C. Ellison, Alexander McLeod, 

William T. Black, Geo. H. Gilteow, 

S. M. Blatchtord, John M. Hopkins, 

William C. Traphagen, Charles T. Rogers, 

David II. Smythe, George H. Sheldon, 

Edward Gridley, R. J. Vanderberg, 

George Wilson, E. W. T. Hyatt, 

James Haggerty, James M. Anderson, 

Joseph F. Ellery, Charles S. Strong. 

George W. Cornell, Philip FranktMiheimor. 

Judge Hilton thereupon offered the lOilowing resolu' 
tions expressive of the sense of the meeting . 

RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolvcd,Thf3i,t the American people have i*vor l)oen tnic .-o the ;n8tincti> 
of patriotism in maintaining the rights and aonoi of the nation and that 
the acknowledgment of distinguished services in the national cause can- 
not tail to be regarded as a grateful duty by a free and 'ntelligent people^ 
[Applause.] 

Resolved. Thnt the brilliant services rendered byiien. Ui.tsbes S. (inAKT, 
tt -^ -eriod of imminent peril to the existence of the Amoncau [Tnion, 
i.avc sned imperishable renown on the American name and character, and 
can never I-- Tcingotton by a people alive to the blessings of institutioDp 
ander wliose benign influence they have become a» free and united nation. 

Resolved, That in the judgmciit :,'. thie meeting, representing o') tb? 
great interests of national imlustry, the public sentiment of the country 
on^iBtakably indicates its choice for the office of Chief Magistrate ; and 
in accordance therewith, and relying with perrect contidonce on the 



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12 

sagacity, judgment, persistent energy, and unfaltering patriotism, so strik- 
ingly displayed throughout his whole civil and military career, wo present 
Qcn. Ulysses S. Grant as the candidate of the loyal Union people o' 
N"ew-York, for the office of President of the United States. [Applause.] 

Resolved, That the President of this meeting have authority to appoint 
cweuty-four citizens, who, with himself, shall form a Standing Com- 
mittee, with power to take measures to effectuata the objects and pur- 
poses of this meeting. [Applause.] 

REMARKS OF JUDGE HILTON. 

Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens: 

It will be perceived that these resolutions contain nothing 
v/hich can be construed as a pledge or platform for General 
Grant. We want neither from him. A man who, above 
all others, is entitled to be regarded as the saviour of our 
country, we should be and are willing to trust without 
pledge or promisa As well might those who lived in the 
days of Washington have exacted pledges Irom him, as for 
us to demand such things from General Grant. Ilis whole 
public life has been a record of prudence, and sagacity, and 
love for our Union in the past, and his sound judgment 
and undoubted patriotism are our best reliance and security 
in the future. We take him, therefore, as he is ; and the 
only platform we desire him to occupy is the one on which 
he trod when he led our armies to victory and our country 
to peace. [Great cheering.] 

On motion of General Cochrane, the resolutions were 
adopted with enthusiastic applause. 

Judge Hilton announced that they were in receipt of 
a telegram from Gen. ][x)gan, who had positively promised 
to be present and address the meeting, stating that, as the 
impeachmont question had come up in the House, he would 
be unavoidably detained at Washington. 

The President then presented, as the first speaker, 
Hon. Francis B. Cutting, remarking that it was triilj^ 



13 

gratifying to find such men casting aside all party, and 
coming out as one of the people. 

Mr. Cutting, on coming forward, was enthusiastically 
cheered, and spoke as follows : 

SPEECH OF HON. FRANCIS B. CUTTING. 
I have come here, fellow-citizens, intending to listen and not to be 
listened to. I heard that gentlemen as distinguished in the field as in the 
civil fservice were to be here to-night, at great personal inconvenience to 
themselves, for the purpose of taking ^part in this great inauguration 
meeting. As I entered I heard that a telegram had just come to hand 
announcing that one of them, who was to have opened it, will not be 
present. Therefore, you will be satisfied when I assure you that I have 
only a few remarks to address to you. I will be one of the listeners, 
then, with you. [Cheers.] I came here to night, as I understand almost 
all of you did, not as the representative of any political sect or any 
political party. I came here as one who, in himself and his family, has 
his roots deeply inserted in the soil of this land, and who loves it as 
deeply as he loves his offspring. During the dreadful rebellion through 
which we have gone, when we had got into those deep hours of gloom 
and darkness, almost verging on despondency. Providence furnished us 
with a man who was equal to the great emergency. [Cheers.] A man 
who until then had lived in retirement, who was known to but few of his 
fellow-citizens, who came to us when we were surrounded by the most 
accumulated difficulties, who, armed by intense patriotism, filled by nature 
with great capacity, full of the power of vast combination, this great man — 
I mean General Grant, as you all know, — [Tremendous cheering.] I say 
this great man took the lead of our armies, and in a very short time our 
despondency became hopeful ; the brave became braver ; and soon after 
the army of the Confederates lay at his feet. [Great cheering.] At this 
qaoment what were the characteristics which he displayed ? Was he 
vain-glorious, was he filled with Selfishness for himself? No, the mag- 
nanimity of his nature burst forth that showed him to be a man in tho 
hour of victory. [Cheers.] Ue has brought us successfully through a 
bloody contest, and handed over the country to the civil authorities, in 
the hope that statesmanship would have done the rest. And I had hoped 
this, that there was enough statesmanship in the land to have accom- 
plished fully in a peaceful way what our great general had fulfilled in the 
field ; and I have not the least reason to doubt that if it had not been for 
a foolish, nonsensical, dramatic, senseless murderer of the Chief Magistrate 



14 

the result would havo been obtained ; but a vain-glorious fool, with 
nonsensical notions, without any capacity to comprehend wh;it he was 
doing, took from the country, and more especially from the Southern 
country, the best friend the Southerners ever had. [Loud and prolonged ap- 
plause.] The fruits of that silly, foolish, wicked, unmeaning act now remain 
before us. Then professional politicians at once began their work to see 
who could outwit the other to win the game ; men who had been at home 
^n their comfortable armchairs and luxuriously-furnished bouses, who, 
during the great struggle, had looked quietly on ; who, when all waa 
over then took the field— not the bloody field, but a field of political ma^ 
Qceuvring, full and prolific with difficulties — each one for himself. The Pre- 
sident fought the Congress and Congress fought the President, each one 
striving who was to get the most. What is the result ? Our fraternal 
love, our brotherly affection, the real union of States, is farther off than 
at the time of the assassination of President Lincoln. [Hear, bear.] 
In the midst of darkness, in the midst of surrounding gloom, where 
is the man, the pillar, the light — the man who is to carry the lantern, 
leading the way that we may follow him ? Is he to be found among 
the extremes of either party, or with the Phillips' sect and their 
equally radical section, and others whom I will not name, because it is 
not necessary 7 Are we to look to them to carry us through this enor- 
mous struggle we are now in ? On the other hand, are we to 
look to the wicked copperheads under the control of the democratic party 
in the West ? [Cries of " No ! no I"] If yoir do not go to the extremes 
of either party, where will you go ? [Shouts of " Grant I Grant 1" and 
^eat cheering.] Who is the man who will bring us out of this great 
distress ? — ["Grant ! Grant I"] — who has carried you through the thorny 
wilderness ? — ["Grant ! Grant !"] — who will dissipate these dark pre- 
judices North, South, East and West — ["Grant ! Grant !"] Yes, 
General Grant, and nobody else. [Cheers.] He is the man who, by his 
labors, by his capacity, his great power of combination, by his magnan- 
imous and manly heart, which has distinguished him throughout all this 
contest — he is the man who can give peace and relief to the country. 
[Cheers.] We ask no party to take him up, because the same enthusiasm 
that fills us here will fill the hearts of all those who interest themselves 
in the prosperity of the country. You will find from common experience 
that in putting a ball in motion it will speed with accelerated movement, 
and in the case of this movement in favor of General Grant as President, 
it will grow in grander proportions, till at last it will entirely obscure all 
other party organizations, till it shall be utterly and entirely irresistible — 
[applause] — the emblem of the will of the people, which will is that 



15 

General Grant shall be tbe next President of the United States. [Great 
cheers.] And now, fellow-citizens, allow me to make this prediction. It 
is, that General Grant will be found as great in the administration of civi 
affairs as he has been in those appertaining to tbe military arm, and that 
when he shall have performed his whole duty to the country, and when he 
shall have been drawn to and with his fathers, the historians of this country 
will write of him, as they wrote of the great American republican of the 
last century — " The first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his 
countrymen." Mr. Cutting resumed hia seat amid loud and prolonged 
applause. 

Tlie next speaker introduced was General Sickles 
and, on his coming forward, aided by the supports rendered 
necessary by the loss sustained by him in fighting tbe 
battles of his country, the scene of enthusiasm baffles de- 
scription. Cheer upon cheer rent the air, while hats and 
handkerchiefs waved and fluttered from every corner of 
ihe halL He said : 

GENERAL SICKLES' SPEECH. 

Fellow-Citizkns : The events of the Revolutionary War, as has been 
truly said to you to-night, developed the character and brought forward 
the illustrious statesman whose destiny it was to establish and adminis- 
ter, for the first eight years of our national existence, the affairs of our 
infant Republic. He was commended to the American people, not by 
party platforms, not by political indorsement, but by his principles, and 
his character, and his deeds in the service of the nation. And now, after 
long years of civil conflict, we have seen that the events of the late war 
not only brought forward the soldier who should successfully lead our 
armies to victory, but the heart of the nation feels that in that same 
Boldier we have the first citizen of the Republic best fitted to lead us to a 
happy destiny in times of peace. [Applause.] There are those who 
complain and object that he is a silent man — that he has not announced 
to the country his platform, and that no responsible politicians come 
forward as his vouchers to the people. But the people see, and feel, and 
know that General Grant has a platform good enough for them in his 
history and in his acts. [Applause.] But we are not left to any mere 
inferences as to General Grant's opinions on public affairs. On all 
proper occasions — when a military officer, as he has been and now is, 
and aa an executive officer, as he also is now in part — on all occasions 



16 

when it has been proper for him, as a soldier or &3 a civilian, to comipa 
nicate his opinions to his superior officer or to the public, he has done so 
with all the frankness of a soldier, with all the candor of a man, and 
with all the wisdom of a statesman. [Applause.] Go back with me for 
proof of this to the close of the war, immedisitely after Lee and the rebel 
army had surrendered to Grant's victorious banner. General Grant was 
sent by His Excellency, the President, to the Southern States upon a 
tour of observation. He performed that task, and communicated, in his 
report to the President, a view of the situation in the rebel States, and a 
series of suggestions with reference to the line of policy to be pursued 
toward them, which, I affirm here to-night, all our subsequent experience 
has proved to have been wise — as I claim they were in their conception 
— a statement, at the outset, frankly spoken and courageously maintained. 
[Applause.] But, unfortunately, gentlemen, the Executive line of policy 
that wa3 subsequently pursued made it impossible to carry out the 
wise and statesman-like recommendations of the General-in-Chief. 
Unhappily for the country, the Executive policy tended, irresistibly 
and inevitably, to a collision, with the representatives of the 
people. [Applause.] And I need not say to you or to any 
American citizen — for all have that practical common sense which gives 
them a better insight into public affairs than some of the profounder 
professors of statecraft can exercise — I need not say to you, that it was 
utterly impossible to bring to a solution the difficult problems which this 
war brought upon us, when the great departments of the Government — 
Executive, Legislative and Judicial — were at war with each other. 
From such a conflict peace to the land was impossible. The plan of 
settlement that was initiated, known as the President's policy, was 
simply this— to restore what remained of the rebels in the rebel States 
to power. [Applause.] That was justly deemed by the people who put 
down the rebellion a criminal waste of the sacrifices of the war. General 
Grant dissented from that policy. [Loud cheers.] While General Grant, 
in common with the great mass of the army who followed liim, dismissed 
all asperities and hatreds, and calmed all passions, when the rebel army 
surrendered ; while they were willing to second him in offering honorable 
terms to a brave foe, they were not willing — and, if I know them, never 
will be willing — to abandon the loyal whites, or any loyal people in the 
South, to the mercies of the men who inaugurated the rebellion. [Great 
cheering.] And in this matter General Grant's opinions are just as well 
known to any officer who has served under him, and has listened to his 
instructions, and has had the opportunity of executing his orders, as are 
the views cf any platform-maker in the United States. [Cheers.] To 



17 

proceed, Congress fresh from the people, elected by the free unrestrained 
ballots of the loyal States, claimed to have, as they rightly had by the 
Constitution of our fathers, the right to prescribe the terms on which the 
rebel States which had renounced their allegiance should be again recog- 
nized in their seats in the Senate and House, and the terms on which they 
should be permitted to participate in the aSuirs of the Republic — Con- 
gress, I say, after mature deliberation, embodied their judgment in what 
is known as the Constitutional Amendment, originally introduced by 
Senator Howard. That proposition of peace, and amity, and settlement, 
waa tendered to the South by the votes of two-thirds of the Representa- 
tives of the people. It was ratified by three-fourths of the loyal States 
that put down the rebellion. It was rejected by the South, and they rue 
it now and repent it. But so it was ; it was rejected. It was denounced 
by the Executive and his Cabinet ; but it was sustained, recommended 
and indorsed by Grant. [Loud cheering.] But I say to you here to 
night — based upon my own opportunities for observation at the South — 
that if the Executive had aided by his influence and sustained by his 
power that proposition- of peace and amity, the settlement thus made by 
Congress — we would have had peace and tranquillity at the present time. 
[Cheers.] It was not in the power of the Executive to defeat the Con- 
stitutional Amendment in Congress or in the loyal States, but it did prove 
to be in his power to prevent a single rebel State from accepting it. But 
it was perfectly well-known to all in Washington, and to all who had the 
opportunity at any time to know General Grant's sentiments when that 
amendment was pending, not only that he earnestly and frankly advised 
the Southern States to accept it, but that all the weight of his influence 
was earnestly and repeatedly exercised with the Executive to induce him 
to forbear his fatal opposition to that measure of peace. [Applause.]. 
What next? The first overture of Congress, as we have seen, was re 
fused. And here let me pause an instant to say that history may be chal- 
lenged to furnish another illustration of equal magnanimity on the part of 
a conquering power to a subjugated foe. In the Constitutionar Amendment 
there is no word of confiscation ; there is no decree of pains, and penalties, 
and punishments ; there is no demand for atonement for the tens of thou- 
sands of lives and the countless treasure that were required to overcome 
the great crime of the rebellion. No. Proving equal to all the higher im- 
pulses that the occasion demanded, quieting the passions that had been 
so recently enkindled in the breast of the free loyal North, dismissing all 
thought of indemnity for the past, exacting only security for the future, 
Congress prescribed the terms on which all the rebel States might be 
again restored to the Union, leaving to them the largest measure of con- 
3 



18 

trol over their local affairs, including the entire question of suffrage, 
trustin;,' wholly to their magnanimity and sense of justice as to the treat- 
ment that hereafter should be dealt to the loyal men in the rebel States, 
white and black — and herein incurring a responsibility to history and to 
the loyal people of the North, the West, and the East, not easy to mea- 
sure, Congress waiving all considerations, 1 say, except the single one of 
security for the future — simply imposing conditions in accordance with 
such considerations upon certain men who had taken a solemn oath, 
before Almighty God, forever to bear faithful allegiance to the United 
States, and obey its Constitution and laws — who had taken that solemn 
oath upon themselves, and then before heaven, with perjury, had taken u"^ 
arms to destroy the Government they had sworn to uphold ; with that 
single reservation, disfranchising these men, who, by deliberate perjury, 
had proved themselves for their day and generation unlit for public trust — 
Congress said, with that restriction : " We waive all else, and will shake 
hands with you and call you brothers once more." [Cheers.] This was 
denounced by the Executive and his Cabinet, and under his influence and 
advice rejected by the rebel States. What next? Congress, bound by 
public opinion, bound by a sense of duty, was driven to one of three 
alternatives : Either to yield to the Suuthern demand that the rebel 
States should be entirely relinquished to the unrestri(;ted control of those 
who not only assisted, but those who originated and led the rebellion ; or, 
secondly, that they must leave the Suuthern States that had been the 
theatre of war indefinitely under military government. The third alter- 
native was that Congress itself should assume the responsibility and take 
the initiative of passing an enabling Act by which society and govern- 
ment could be again organized in those States where the rebellion had pro- 
duced anarchy, and thus give to the people there the means of protecting 
themselves, and giving to the loyal Slates of the Union a perpetual gua- 
rantee for the allegiance and loyalty of the rebel States. [Applause.] 

You have seen under what euibarrassment and difficulties, resulting 
from matr i/ources, that plan of reconstruction has been conducted, but 
you have seen this, also, that while it has encountered the almost irresist- 
ible power, patronage and influence of the Executive, it has never for a 
moment lacked the steady, loyal, faithful support of the General-in-Chief 
of the armies. [Cheers.] Passing any reference to myself, except to 
take this occasion to express ray appreciation and gratitude for the sup- 
port 80 steadily given to me while in command in the Carolinas, amid all 
the trying difficulties of that position, let rae for illustration of what I 
have just said, point you to the manly, soldierlike, true fi-ieudship and 
devotion to duty, manifested in the struggle he made to save the gallant 



19 

Sheridan. [Loud cheering and waving of liata and handkerchiefs.] 
There was Sheridan sent to New Orleans with a handful of men to con- 
trol all the turbulent elements of Lou.siaiia and Texas ; to restore order 
out of anarchy, to bring an unwilling people to a sense of allegiance to 
our Qag, and Constitution and laws ; to extend the hand of protection to 
the helpless negro, whom we had emancipated and whom we had called 
a freedman, but to whom we had given no means to protect his freedom 
or his franctiise ; obliged to shelter from persecution and tyranny and 
outrage the loyal whites ; compelled to afford security to Northern capi- 
talists who had gone down there in the confidence that an American 
citizen presumes he may always feel that wherever he goes, at least 
within our territory, the hand of power, whether civil or military, will 
always be exerted and held over him to protect him from outrage. 
Sheridan went down to perform this difficult, delicate and responsible 
task. He was arraigned and dis^niissed — for what? Simply for executing 
the laws of the land passed by the Congress of the United Slates, the 
representatives of the people. [Applause.] Did Grant stand upon any 
mere question of military eticjuette ? Did he wrap himself up in that 
reserve and silence which those who would like to provoke distrust tell 
you is his shield and hi« oidy security ? No 1 Not content with per- 
sonal remonstrances, not content with official appeal, he sat down instantly 
at his desk, and penned in words that will not die, in language doing 
equal honor to his intellect the sentiments do his heart — he penned 
that glorious remonstranee to the P'xecutive, appeahng to him to do 
jn.stice to the sense f duty and the well-meant efforts of a faithful 
soldier who had done the State some service, and to forbear, at least in 
tha^ case, from striking down an officer for obeying and executing the 
laws of the land. [Cheers.] And here my friends, you see, as f proceed 
in this narrative, which 1 do not mean to make tedious to you, that 1 
point out to you in every instance where his sense of duty would jtermit 
that the General-in-Chief of the army has been as frankly outspoken 
and unreserved as it was possible, or proper, or becoming for an officer In 
his (>osi!ion to be. [('heers ] No man is in doubt as to the sentiments 
of tjeneral Grant upon uie great questions now before the country, unless 
that man wants to be ignorant. [Applause.] And ignorance upon a 
matter so plain and so easily ascertained and understood would, I think, 
e.xclude any such men from the exercise of the ballot if we had an edu- 
cational qualification. [I^iughler.] To proceed. We next find Grant 
called to a civil station, ap[)ointed Secretary of "War ad interim. And 
here, it seems to me, he has furtj^shed an answer to those who had such 
very great anxiety that his merely military education had not given him 



20 

the necessary experience and qualifications for civil ofiice. Tou will find 
many -well-moaning gentlemen who have the gravest doubts whether 
General Grant would make a good business man. Well, I think he 
showed a pretty good capacity for business when he was dealing with Gen. 
Lee. [Laughter.] I think you may search in vain, from one end of this 
land to the other, to find a man who habitually worked more hours in the 
day, or who gave closer attention to what he was at when he was " fight- 
ing it out on that line, if it took all summer." [Cheers.] But we are 
not left to his military history to ascertain his capacity for his business, 
or his ability to handle the problems with which statesmen have to deal. 
Whom did he succeed in the War Department ? The most illustrious 
War Minister of modern times. [Loud cheers.] And with such a pre- 
decessor he has made a reputation in the War Office. He has introduced 
reforms wliich escaped even the scrutiny of a Staaton. Although the 
army had been reduced with a rapidity and a success that amazed Europe, 
and it seemed almost impossible and impracticable to our own people, yet 
General Grant, faithful in that obedience to the will of the people and 
the instincts of the people, which indicate him so truly as a great 
popular leader, responded at once to the popular demand for reduc- 
tion in expenditure, for economy, in order that we might hasten 
to that happy epoch when we can resume specie payments, and 
pay every public creditor dollar for dollar in honest gold and silver. 
[Cheers.] General Grant, fellow-citizens, it may be, does not owe his 
fame or his opportunity to perform the great service he has ren- 
dered the country to many of those qualities, or to any, perhaps, which 
make up a successful professor of State craft Nobody pretends that 
Grant is a Bismarck, or a Louis Napoleon, or a Count Cavour, or even 
a Seward. [Laughter.] There is no probability at all that if he were 
Secretary of State his despatches would fill an ordinary school-district 
library ; and there is no danger at all, T think I may safely assure you, 
that he would deluge Congress with long disquisitions on the Constitution 
of the United States, equal in length and volume to the productions of 
Geo. Ticknor Curtis. [Great laughter.] Gen. Grant is a man of the 
people. He possesses that intuitive common sense that the American 
people desire to see manifested and exercised in public affairs. We have 
not — although we have important questions devolving upon us — those 
complicated relations with foreign powers, the necessity of maintaining 
vast standing armies, intricate dynastic questions and others, the know- 
ledge of which goes to make up an European definition of a statesman, or 
a diplomatist, or a prime-minister. We have our difficulties, to be sure, 
and we do require first-rate capacity in high public ofBce. Let me not 



21 

for a moment depreciate the standard of capacity and character required 
to lead this Republic safely and honorably to its high destiny. Not for 
an instant. But I say that what our great officers, above all, should be 
noted for, is straightforward dealing with the people, a conciliatory de- 
meanor and tone towards the co-ordinate branches of the Government, and 
respectful recognition of what is due to the people through their repre- 
sentatives in Confess, and a willingness on the part of men in high 
executive stations to yield their peculiar views of policy and of personal 
prerogative to the demands of the people as expressed through their 
representatives. [Applause.] And this I claim^that Gen. Grant in all 
his views upon public affairs ; in every attitude he has assumed since the 
'surrender to our armies — this I affirm he has faithfully done. A word 
in passing, and in conclusion I may add as to what may be expected 
from any other sources of relief, that the country might look to in this 
crisis. And before I touch upon that theme let me observe that I sup- 
pose this meeting — this great and imposing popular demonstration — 
would be misunderstood in its object and design if it were attributed to 
any mere purpose to do honor to a distinguished personage ; it is not 
that. Not less would it be misunderstood if it were supposed to have 
(or its object any mere partizan interest, and certainly no greater mistake 
could be made than to suppose that it has for its aim to assault or to 
impugn or injure the political character or prospects, or defeat the 
legitimate ambition of any of our illustrious statesmen, or to attack the 
policy or plans of political parties. Therefore I have not permitted 
myself to speak in any terms of censure or disrespect of any authority, 
egislative, executive, judicial or partisan. But it is impossible to review 
the political situation with which you and I have to deal as citizens 
without some reference to men and events. "What does the Democratic 
party propose to do ? Nothing, that I can see, except to fill the offices. 
[Laughter and cheers.] I have not seen their plan of reconstruction, 
unless they adopt the Executive plan, which I have already, as I believe, 
truly di'scribed to be simply and solely the restoration of the rebels to 
power just where they were when they began the war. That is impossi- 
ble, if I know the American people. [Cheers.] The Democrats are 
committed absolutely, so far as I can see by reading most attentively the 
addresses of their distinguished men, to re-action — to use a lawyer's 
phrase, to the statu quo mite bellum. They would ignore the war. They 
would say with the Executive, in his recent Message, " Those rebel States 
are to-day in the Union precisely as they have always been, and nothing 
that they have done has deprived them of a single right." Well, if that 
is true, I don't want to stay in the Union for one. [Laughter.] What 



22 

is proposed by the Executive ? — for T am really embarrassed to state to 
what party his Excellency belongs, — I therefore speak of him sui generis, 
[laughter,] but with profound respect. [Renewed laughter.] Well, he 
proposes to Congress, as far as I can see, a daily reading of the Consti. 
tution, and the employment of the remainder of the session in careful 
meditation thereon. [Laughter.] I wish to do no injustice to his Ex- 
cellency's platform ; it is sound. But how far it will lead to peace and 
tranquillity, without some practical measure which will elucidate our 
problems, I do not see. But, very likely, if Attorney-G eneral Stanbury 
were called upon for an opinion, he could make it entirely clear- 
[Laughter and cheers.] It is equally true, on the other hand, I think 
that the American people do not desire ultra measures of mere 
doctrinaires to delay or impede the just and proper settlement of all 
our relations with the rebel States. It is equally true that our peo. 
pie desire to be relieved as soon as possible, and as far as practica- 
ble, of whatever burdens they may bear that result from an improvised 
financial system forced upon us by the exigencies of the war. There 
is no doubt that experience will soon develop more uniform and 
easier modes of collecting the public revenue, or that our financiers 
will soon be able to negotiate loans at a much more reasonable rate 
of interest than we were compelled to pay in the midst of war, when 
it was doubtful in the minds of many whether we could ever pay at all. 
There is no doubt that, upon many such questions, there is much uneasi- 
ness in the public mind, and a restlessness and discontent with the 
present state of affixirs, which finds exoression in various forms ; and, 
while we have these problems to solve, upon which the destiny of the 
nation hangs, our people get rather restless when great questions are 
mixed up with small, subordinary, trifling issues : as in Philadelphia, 
where the Union party that was in power forgot every other measure of 
importance that was before them in order to stop the cars running on 
Sunday, so that poor people could not get out of town to enjoy a little 
fresh air, and our friends in Massachusetts were in such a hurry to reccn- 
struct everything that, I am credibly informed, it was not possible to get 
a drink there. [Laughter.] And, at this rate, it was reasonable to sup, 
pose that, if the City of New- York became Republican, nobody would 
be allowed to have anything to wear, or to smoke in the streets. Some- 
thing too much of this ultraism, into which all parties are liable to run 
in the race of success, has been seen in the dominant party, and, no 
doubt, very much of the dissatisfaction and discontent of which I have 
epokea is owing to these minor causes of irritation. I trust you will 
allow me to affirm as my opinion and belief, and to express it as my 



23 

hope, that that noble act of jubtice. by wliich the Congress of the United 
States gave to all the people who are citizens of this land, and who were 
loyal to tUeir flag throughout the war in the rebel States, the right of 
suCfrage, will be deemed and held by the American people as sacred and 
irreversible as the Emancipation Proclamation. [Cheers.] The Ameri- 
can people are- progressive, not ultra; they are conservative, not reac- 
tionary. You cannot make a frte man to-day and make him a clave 
to-morrow. You cannot give a free man the sign and badge of manhood 
by putting the ballot in his hands and take it away to-morrow, and make 
him the slave to some other man who holds that ballot. [-Applause.] 
And never, never can you, without outraging justice, and without planting 
within your borders an inextinguishable fire of resistance and revolt, take 
away the ballot from the black man and give it to the rebel. [Great 
cheering.] But this you can do : When you have seen that, under the 
reconstruction acts, loyal and legal state governments have been organ- 
ized and estabhshed in the rebel States ; when those States come to 
Congress with a constitution Republican in form and providing fairly 
and equitably for the protection of the rights, civil and political, of all 
within their borders entitled to franchise ; then, I say, you have attained 
that security for the present and the future which will enable Congress 
and the country to agree with one accord, to grant a general amnesty to 
all who have offended against our flag. And froni that general amnesty 
I, for one, would only except those whose signal crimes against the Con- 
stitution and laws of the land, and against the laws and nsages of war, 
and against the common instincts of humanity had marked them out as 
fit examples of' human justice, and those I would except. This can be 
done — this I believe should be done — this I have never doubted would 
be done in good time, and so soon as it was safe and practicable to do 
BO ; and I think I am correct in aflirming the fact that our illustrious 
chief, General Grant, has so declared and expressed himself. You do 
not expect any one on this platform, fellow-citizens, to reheai'se to you 
tl|e mihtary exploits of Grant. They are full of interest and instruction, 
it 13 true, to those who would correctly appreciate and comprehend the 
unrivalled greatness and purity of his character. [Cheers.] You will 
not expect to be reminded of the simplicity of his character and life, 
his unostentatious demeanor, his straightforward dealing with all men- 
These are all familiar as household words. But I may be permitted to 
express my own sense, derived from personal experience, of the rever- 
ence, and aflection, and devotion due to so good and great a man. I do 
not believe there is in the length or breadth of the land a soldier who 
has followed his fortunes, and served under his command, who will hesi 



24 

tate an instant to accord to him all the qualities of head and heart 
needed for the ruler of a free people. [" That's so," applause.] Nor Is 
there a soldier who doubts that when their illustrious chief assumes the 
direction of civil affairs, that the time will come — that fcardy time, it is 
true— when justice will be done to them. [Applause.] But, to con- 
clude, in commending, as I do with all my heart, and soul, and strength, 
General Grant to your confidence and afiFection, I do so, not because he 
is a trimmer in politics — not that he is a craven who would conceal his 
opinions — not that he is a man who would put on the gown of humility 
and solicit your sweet voices — no, like another Coriolanus, he would 
say: 

" Better to die, better to servo, 
Than crave the hire I do deserve. 

* * ♦ Rather than fbol it so, 
Let the high office and the honor go 
To one who would do thus." 

No, he is commended to you because, of all men living, he is the truest 
embodiment of the great loyal millions who put down the rebellion be- 
canse they loved the Union, and who desire peace now because they pray 
for its perpetuity. 

General Sickles concluded amid loud and long-continued 
applause. 

Mr. Tre:m:aine was the next speaker introduced, and on 
coming forward was enthusiastically received. He said : 

SPEECH OF HON. LYMAN TREMAINE. 

Fellow-citizens : " In peace prepare for war," is a prudential maxim, 
applicable alike to the conduct of nations, and of great political organiza- 
tions. At no time since the formation of the Union party, that great and 
patriotic party, which was formed after the attack on Fort Sumter, hai 
the duty enjoined by this salutary old proverb been more emphatic thar 
at this moment. [A|jplause.] Our nation has just passed through a Avai 
more formidable in its character and more gigantic in its proportions tha» 
any other which has existed since the creation of the world. On the Celdi 
of battle that war has resulted in the complete triumph of the arms of 
the Union, and in the total destruction of the rebel Confederacy. [Ap- 
plause.] But the political problems growing out of the war, and inti- 
mately connected with it, still remain unsolved and unsettled. It depends 
upon the future action of the people whether the national victory, which 
has been achieved by a vast expenditure of treasure and blood, shall provo 
compeiratively fruitless, or whether the great principles which have bees 



25 

vindicated by the result shall become permanently incorporated into the 
governmental policy of the nation. The people of the United States will 
soon enter upon the great Presidential campaign of 1868. Public opinion, 
in reference to the candidate of the Union Republican party for President 
is rapidly culminating, and finding utterance, in spontaneous meetings of 
the people, in the expressions of the public press, and in the opinions of 
leading statesmen, throughout the country. At such a time, and under 
such circumstances, it is eminently fitting and proper that the patriotic 
Union men of New-York should give expression to their opinions upon 
this vitally interesting question. Tou are situated in the commercial 
centre of the Confederacy — the seat of wealth, intelligence and activity. 
A.3 the heart sends the blood coursing through all the arteries of the human 
body, so does every great popular movement originating here exert an 
influence which is felt in all the members of the body politic. When I 
remember that the call for this meeting has only been published in your 
city papers for two days — when I consider the object for which you have 
convened — and when, on casting my eyes over this hall, I discover the 
vast body of enthusiastic and patriotic citizens who have assembled in 
respoqse to the call, I discover conclusive evidence that the Union men 
of this great metropolis, like their bretliren elsewhere, are turning instinc- 
tively to General Ulysses S. Grant as the great chieftain who shall lead 
them forth to battle and to victory. [Great applause.] In this conclusion 
I .do most heartily concur ; and with your kind permission, I propose, 
this evening, to present some of the prominent reasons which, in my 
bumble opinion, should influence our judgments and control our action. 
At the commencement of the discussion I desire to do full justice to the 
merits and qualifications of those other distinguished citizens whose 
names have been favorably mentioned in connection with the Presidential 
office. We honor them for their exalted worth, their great abiUty and 
patriotic services. We believe that in the future, as in the past, a grate- 
ful people will bestow upon them its choicest honors and rewards. Look, 
for a moment, at the brilliant constellation : There is Salmon P. Chase, 
the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court — [great applause] — the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, who smote the rock of public credit when the 
waters gushed forth— the financial minister who, by his great ability, 
raised the sinews of war for our army when the capitalists and govern- 
ments of the old world turned the cold shoulder to our struggling 
Republic. There, too, is the right hand supporter of Mr. Lincoln's admi- 
nistration, Edwin M. Stanton — [great applause] — the able War Minister 
who organized greater armies than any Government ever brought into the 
field, and who, without delay, supplied them with all those provisions and 

4 



26 

mtinitioDS of war that enabled tliem to obtain success; the devoted 
patriot, who, for his fidelity to his country, was stricken down by the per- 
fidious incumbent of the Presidential office. [Slight hisses, with tremend' 
ous applause, repeated again and again.] Then, there is the rising states- 
man from the North-west, the eloquent representative of the vigorous 
and progressive elements in the Union party, Schuyler Colfax, Speaker 
of the House of Representatives. [Great applause.] From the army 
we have that glorious soldier, the Captain of our cavalry, Philip Sheridan 
— [great applause] — the man who sent the enemy "whirling through the 
valley," and who displayed such great executive ability in the administra- 
tion of the Department of Louisiana and Texas. Last, but not least, we 
have that glorious warrior-statesman, General Logan. [Great applause.] 
Like our own gallant Sickles — [cheers] — he sunk his party in his country, 
and both on the rostrum and in the field he has earned the lasting gratitude 
of his countrymen. With either of these men we could enter upon the 
contest with a strong and reasonable probability of success. But we are 
passing through a transition period in our history. We are standing in 
the very crisis of our national life. We are reconstructing great States 
whose governments were overthrown by treason. We pre laying anew 
the foundations of Empire, and if the opportunity now offered to us shall 
be lost, it will be gone for ever. We dare not, therefore, accept even a 
probability of success when the certainty is within the reach. It ia 
because we believe, and feel, and know, that such certainty is available 
that we propose, at this time, to place the laurel wreath of victory and 
honor upon the brow of Ulysses S. Grant. [Great applause.] 

It is the same intense sentiment of loyalty — the same heroic wa^ 
spirit that efTectctl the election of Mr. Lincoln now demands the election 
of Grant, that we recommend his nomination. My second reason is, be 
cause his splendid military record proves him to be the ablest and most 
successful General now living. We are truly a military people. While 
we cultivate peaceable relations with all nations, we cherish the Jack- 
sonian doctrine of asking for nothing but what is right, and of submit- 
ting to nothing wrong. Whenever the military furor of the nation ia 
aroused, like the mountain torrent, it sweeps before it all opposition. 
These truths were illustrated in the election as Presidents, of Washing- 
ton, Jackson, Harrison and Taylor, and will again be exemplified in the 
triumphant election of General Grant. [Applause.] Follow him, for 
a few moments, in his glorious military career. He graduated at the 
West Point Military Academy, and served with credit in Mexico, but 
when the Rebellion broke out he was engaged in civil pursuits. Burning 
with a desire to avenge the wrongs upon our Government, he entered the 



27 

service at the head of an Illinois regiment, and soon earned a "Brij^adier. 
General's commission. We find him in the first campaign, stationed at 
Cairo, crossing over to Missouri and attacking the enemy at Belmont, 
where his horso was shot under him, and a brilliant victory was achieved. 
Again we find him penetrating the treasonable purposes of Governor 
MagoCBn, entering upon the soil of Kentucky, and, at Paducah, capturing 
the Rebel stores, hauling down the Rebel flag, hoisting the Stars and 
Stripes, and publishing a brief and stirring proclamation to the people. 
Ilis vigorous action brought matters to a crisis, and drove John C- 
Breckinridge and other Rebel leaders to the camp of the Coufederates, 
where they belonged. He next resolves that the navigation of the Cum- 
berland and Tennessee Rivers shall be opened to us, anJ after a short 
siege, Fort Henry, with its military stores, falls into his hands. The in- 
vestment of Fort Donelson immediately followed. The besieged forces 
endeavored in vain to cut through his lines, and soon the atmosphere 
becoming very uncomfortable. General Floyd and a few troops take 
refuge on board a Rebel steamer and escape. The next morning General 
Buckner opens a correspondence with a view to obtain advantageous 
terms for surrender. He did not understand the character of Genera" 
Grant, but the answer he received contains some of those thrilling ex 
pressions which, in case of Grant's nomination, will be interwoven into 
the patriotic songs of the country, be chanted by our glee clubs and brave 
soldier boys, and become the rallying war ci:y of our political party. 
Grant thus answers Buckner's proposal for the appointment of Commis- 
sioners to agree on terms of capitulation and for au armistice : 

" Sir: Tours of tliis data proposing an armistice, and the appointment of Com- 
inissionora to settle on the terms of capitulation, is jnst received. No tei{M8 except 

UNCONDITIOKAL AMD IIDIEDIATE SUKRESDBR CAN liB ACCEPTED." (Great applause.] 

,' I PROi'OSB TO MOVE IMMEDIATELT CM YOUB W0UK.3." [Tromondoua applauso, re- 
peated again and again.] 

"I am very respectfully your obedient servant, 

"U. S. Grant." 
Buckner hastens to respond : 

" Sir : Tbe distribution of the forces ander my command, incident to an unex- 
pected change of commanders, and the overwhelming force under your command, 
compel me, notwithstanding the brilliant success of the Confederate arms, to accept 
the imgonerous and uncliivalrous terms which you propose." [Great laughter and 

applause. J 

" I am, Sir, your servajit, 

"S. B. Buckner." 
Fort Donelson, with 12,000 to 15,000 prisoners, 40 pieces of artillery, 
and large military stores, fell into the hands of Grant, although he did 
not understand and observe the laws of iphivalry. [Applause.] 



^8 



PITTS BUaa LANDING!. 

Tou find Grant at Pittsburg Landing, on the Tennessee *nen an 
army of 40,000 troops, commanded by Albert Sidney J>fanston and 
Beauregard, attacked him early in the morning. Although our troops 
fought bravely, yet, " not to make too fine a point on't," they were badly 
whipped the first day. Beauregard dispatched from Shiloh to Rich- 
mond an exultant message, claiming that he had won a complete victory, 
and driven the enemy from all points. Indeed, under acy other leader 
but Grant our array would have been cut to pieces, or driven from the 
field ; but Grant, like General Taylor, nevep knows when he is whipped. 
[Laughter an4 applause.] That night he reorganizes his troops, orders 
up all the reserves within reach, and at 4 o'clock the nest morning as- 
sumes the offensive ; and so vigorous and successful was he that before 
4 o'clock he had not only recovered all his lost ground, but had con- 
verted a disastrous defeat into a great victory. Johnston was killed, and 
Beauregard, with his army routed, shattered and beateu, retreated to 
Corinth. Fifteen thousand killed, wounded and captured Confederate 
troops attested the invincible courage and bull-dog tenacity of our great 
chieftain. [Applause.] 

VICKSBURQ. 

From the commencement of the rebellion, Vicksburg had been re- 
garded as the Gibraltar of the Confederacy, and Davis had publicly de- 
clared that its possession was essential to the existence of his govern- 
ment. Strong in its natural position, and strengthened immensely by 
huge fortifications, constructed with great engineering skill and immense 
labor, its frowning batteries commanded the Mississippi, and had defied 
the utmost efforts of our combined land and naval forces for its reduc- 
tion. You remember Grant's incredible and gigantic labors in diverting 
the channel of the great river, his huge canal to the lake, and his hercu- 
lean efforts to pass the forests and swamps in his attempts to execute 
the original plans for its capture. Grant was as fertile in resources as 
he was brave in battle, and he resolved to change the plan of attack. 
Then came Commodore Porter's brilliant passage of the batteries with 
his gunboats, under cover of darkness. Grant then commenced that 
masterly series of movements, resulting in cutting his way through all 
opposing forces, until at la.sthe reaches the coveted location on the east 
of Vicksburg ; and Hie investment of the doomed fortress is completed. 
[Applause.] The results accomplished by the siege and capture o^ 
Vicksburg are thus briefly stated in Grant's oGBcial report : 



29 

"Tho result of this campaign has been the defeat of the enemy In five battlee 
antiide of Vickaburg, the occupation of Jackson, the capital of the State of Missis- 
sippi, and tke capture of Tickabiirg, and its gamson, and munitions of ■war ; a loss to 
the enemy of 37,000 prisoners, among whom were 15 general ofhcors ; at least 10,000 
killed and wounded, and among the killed Generals Tracy, Tilghman and Green ; 
and hundreds, perhaps thousands of stragglers, Trho can never be collected and re- 
organized ; arms and munitiona of war for an army of 60,000 men have fallen into our 
bands, besides a large amount of other public property, consisting of railroads, loco' 
motives, cars, steamboats, cotton, etc." 

HIS CAREER IN VIRGINIA, 

Let US follow General Graut to his new theater of operations. The 
Army of the Potomac, while under the command of ISIcClellan, although 
composed of as fine and soldierly a body of troops as were ever mustered 
into service, had failed to meet the just expectations of the people. The 
Anaconda of our Young Napoleon, which, we were told, would coil itself 
around the body of the Rebellion, and crush out its hfe, proved to be a 
sluggish and torpid beast, pasfiing his time in pit holes and in practising 
lessons in civil engineering. [Applause.] " Hope deferred" had " made 
the heart of the nation sick." Meanwhile, the rising fame of the gallant 
General from Illinois had attracted the attention of the nation, and the 
people demanded that all the armies of the Union should be subjected to 
the control of his great genius. Congress responded, and in February 
18G4, an Act was passed creating the office of Lieutenant-General, and 
recommending Grant for the position. He was nominated and confirmed 
the next day, and soon after, repaired to the Headquarters of the Army 
of the Potomac. Early in May he gave the command, " On to Rich- 
mond," and then commenced that forward movement, from which the 
brave heroes were never to return, until they return as victors and con- 
querors. [Applause.] Lee, the most accomplished General in the Con- 
federacy, was on the alert, and as soon as Grant entered the Wilderness, 
where his artillery would be useless, and he could be attacked at a dis- 
advantage, his great adversary hurled his whole army against him, and 
then came the life and death struggle which might be anticipated from 
" Greek meeting Greek." The smoke of battle hung over the mighty 
combatanta for six days, while the nation remained in a state of suspense, 
bordering upon agony. At last, there came from Grant to Lincoln an- 
other of those electrifying reports, containing an expression which has 
served to give him an immortal renown. 

" "We have now ended tho sixth day of very heavy fighting. Tke result, to this 
Ume, is much in our favor. Oar losses have been heavy as well as those of tlie 
enemy. I think the losses of the enemy mast be greater; we have taken over 5,000 
prisoners by battle, whilst he has taken from us but few, except stragglers. I PRO- 

POSH TO FIGHT TT OUT OH THIS LINE IP IT TAK13 ALL SUMMBB. 

" U. 8. Grant." 



80 

[Tremendous applause.] The battles around Cold Rarbor, Spottsylvania 
Court House, at the North Aana River followed. Then came the 
bloody attack — the stubborn and heroic defence — Lee falling back from 
one set of formidable intrenchraents to another, closely pursued by his 
untiring and indomitable foe, and, at last, the campaign is over, with Lee 
and his shattered force seeking shelter, for the last time, behind the de" 
fenses of Richmond. The campaign is ended, and Grant with his army 
is at Riehinoiid, holding his position on the south of the James and 
across the VVeldon Road, from which Lee had struggled in vain to dis- 
lodge him. and having his hand upon the throat of the Rebellion, never 
to be unclasped until the Rebellion itself lay stiflf and cold in death, at 
his feet. [Api)lause.] We may judge of the sanguinary character of 
this campaign when we learn that the number of killed, wounded and 
missing on both sides, from May to November, reached the enormous 
figure of l.iO.ttOO men. Grant's vindication for this necessary loss of 
life is contained in his official report concerning the military situation 
when he assumed the command of the Army of the Potomac, and is re- 
garded as complete by the judgment of the people. After sketching the 
posture of affairs, he says : 

"I therefore determinod, first, to use the greatest nnmbor of troops practicable 
against the armed force of the euemy, preventing him from using the satue force at 
dilTerent sea.'^ous, against, first one and then another of our armies, and the possi 
bility of repoiso for refitting and producing necessary supjdies for carrying ou re- 
sistance. Si'cond, to hammer continuoitnly against the anned force of the eiiemy and his 
resources, xuilil by mere attrition, if iri no other way, there should fee nothinj left tv him 
but an eiptal submission tvith the loyal section of our common country to the Ooiistitution 
of the land. Whetlier these views might have been bettor In conception and execn 
tion is for the people, who mourn the loss of friends fallen, and who have to pay the 
pecuniary cost, to say. All I can say is, that what I have done, has been done con- 
scientiously, to the best of my ability, and in what I conceived to be for the boat 
interests of the whole country." 

Tiie renuiinder of the story is soon :old. Soon after the opening of 
the campaign in 18G5, Grant gives the liual order to advance upou the 
beleaguered Capitol. The events that followed are vividly photographed 
in the apj).i Hi ng dispatch from f^ee to Davis : 

"The enemy has broken my lines in three places. Richmond mu»t be evacuated 

to-night." 

Davis and the remnants of the Confederacy evacuated, accordingly, and 
his line of retreat was illumined by the lurid flames of his burning 
capital. Our army enter — Lee retreats — Grant and his Generals, eiptal 
to the renowned Marshals of Napoleon, press upon his heels, bring him 
to bay at Appomattox Oou't-IIouse, where, after a brief correspendence 



81 

Tie and the ^rmyof Virginia surrender to our conquering hero. We 
see haw thoroughly Grunt had hammered out the Rebellion, when we 
learn that this proud and powerful army had been reduced to 85,000 
men, of whom but 10,000 were capable of effective service. The sur- 
render of Johnson and his array to Sherman immediately followed. And 
now the military power of the Rebellion is destroyed. The war is 'over. 
Peace is restored, and the Confederacy ceases to exist. Call to miud, ray 
countrymen, the exciting scenes that were witnessed when the intelligence 
came flushing over the wires that Richmond had fallen, and Lee ami his 
army were prisoners of war. Strong men wept — the church bells pealed 
their merriest chimes — and the acclamations of the multitude, joining in the 
roar of cannon, attested the universal happiness and gladness of our people. 
In that hour of triumph and joy there came bursting forth from the 
swelling hearts and trembling lips of loyal men and women, expressions 
of gratitude and praise for the great General who had been enabled, by 
the blessing of Almighty God, to crush the rebellion and save the coun- 
try. [Great applause.] We are indebted to Grant, also, for that won- 
derful sagacity which was exhibited in the selection of the right captains 
for the right places. We owe it to Grant that Sheridan was placed at 
the head of the cavalry. [Applause.] We owe it to Grant that Sher- 
man wud in command of the Army of the South- West, and that, by their 
combined genius, the plan of his campaign was conceived, resulting in 
the capture of Atlanta, and the ever-memorable and glorious march to 
the sea. [Applause.] President Lincoln related a circumstance, illus- 
trating the sagacity of Grant, and his agency in other movements of the 
army. Just before the Baltimore Convention, a few delegates called 
npon him, pursuant to appointment, and we found him free and commu- 
nicative, as well as hopeful and agreeable. One of our party asked his 
opinion on the military situation. " Well, gentlemen," said he, " Grant 
now has entire control, and I can only relate a conversation I had with 
him the other day. He said his plan was to hold Lee and his army in 
the vicinity of Richmond, while he sent Sherman through to destroy the 
Confederacy. I said to him," and the sunbeam played over the Presi- 
dent's homely face, making it appear positively handsome, " Grunt, I 
don't know much about the technicalities of your profession, but as near 
as I do understand you, you propose to hold the leg, while Sherman 
takes off the skin." [Roars of laughter, with tremendous applause.] 
" Yes," said Grant, " that is what I mean." With what an iron grasp 
Grant held the leg, and how brilliantly Sherman stripped the hide from 
the rebellion — 'these are matters which have pas?ed into the domain of 
history. [liOud applause.] 



82 

My third reason is, that uoder the administration of Grant, the recon- 
struction of the Union, on a basis of loyalty, freedom and justice will be 
secured. An objection, to the effect that Grant has not been sufficiently 
demonstrative in the expression of his opinions upon the political issues 
that have agitated the nation, is deserving of consideration. When ] 
remember how grievously Andrew Johnson has disappointed the party 
which elected him, I desire to treat this objection with great respect. 
Let 113 " reason together," and see if its force is not essentially impaired 
in the light of fair and candid discussion. Grant is constitutionally a 
reserved man. His whole career and conduct prove this. Follow him, 
in his movements among the people, and when he is honored with these 
ovations which a grateful people offer him, no speeches fall from his Ups. 
There is little danger that he vrill injure himself or the party which 
nominate him, by " swinging around the circle," making speeches as 
he swings. [Laughter.] Secretary Stanton once remarked to me 
and an eminent jurist of your city, after eulogizing the masterly abilities 
and military genius of Grant, that, among the numerous letters and reports 
he had received from Grant, there was not one that covered more than one 
side of a sheet of letter paper. [Great applause.] His views of etiquette 
and propriety, like those of most army ofScers, induce him to exercise 
prudence in reference to political matters. He testified before the Con- . 
gressional Committee, last June, that he had considered it his business 
to perform with fidelity the duties of his military office, leaving the settle- 
ment of political questions to the political departments of the Govern- 
ment. Considering his views of official propriety, and the prominent 
traits of his character, it is believed that the objection which I have 
mentioned loses much of its force, if it does not iadecd disappear alto- 
gether. But, although a reticent, Grant is by no means a silent man. 
On the contrary, from the beginning to the end of our great struggle, he 
was expressing his views. He spoke through the agency of musketry, 
artillery, and in the movements of great armies. He spoke at Fort 
Donelson and Pittsburg Landing, at Vicksburg and Lookout Mountain. 
He spoke at the Wilderness, Cold Harbor, Spottsylvauia Court-House, 
and all along the bloody road from the " Rapidan to the James." He 
spoke at Petersburg, Richmond and Appomattox Court-House. His 
utterances were so clear, loud and piercing that they shook the continent 
and electrified the world. [Great applause.] Translate his language 
into words, and I think its voice would be, "This accursed rebellion 
must be broken to pieces, and the blessed Union saved." [Tumultuous 
applause.] But I do not rest my argument on mere inferential conclu- 
eioas. The incidental record which he has made will be found ample and 



83 

cocclnsive. As early aa 1862, Grant approved of the Emancipation Pro- 
clamulion. He wrote a letter to Mr. Washbarne, publiahed since, da- 
clariiig that, although not an Abolitioniat, he did not de>)ire peace until 
slavery waa abolished ; for, in hie opinion, the Union conld not be saved 
unless slavery was destroyed. He approved of the Amendment abolirfh- 
ing slavery, and of the proposed fourteenth Amendment now pending. 
lie testified that he regarded the President's North Carolina Proclama- 
tion aa only temporary, and that he supposed when Congress met, that 
body would settle the whole question of re-organizing governments in 
the rebel States. Here he touches the key-note of the controversy, and 
recognizes the full power and jurisdiction of the people, through their 
Representatives, over the subject of Reconstruction. He approved of 
the Military Reconstruction Bill, and favored a supplement taking away 
the power of removing the Commanders of the Military Districts, except 
with consent of the Senate. He exerted his influence to prevent a long 
adjournment by Congress, and thereby leaving Johnson master of the 
situation. He opposed the removal of Sheridan, and in his letter of pro- 
test to the President expressed the opinion that such a removal would be 
against the will of the p)eople, which ought to be a rule of action to the 
President. [Applause.] In brief, study his opinions from every stand 
point, and the ' conclusion would seem to be unavoidable that he is 
entirely safe, sound and trustworthy, upon all the great issues before the 
people. [Applause.] 

My fourth reason is, that his sterling honesty affords a guaranty that, 
under his administration, integrity and economy will prevail in the admin- 
istration of the Government. Corruption has caused the overthrow of 
the ancient republics, and is the most deadly enemy of our own. Grant 
haa never speculated in cotton while in the army, nor taken advantage of 
the confusion of ideas as to the laws of jneum and tuum, which prevail in 
civil war. With all the temptations and opportunities presented, the 
smell of fire has never been found on his garments. 

My fifth reason is, that under his administration, peace and universal 
prosperity would prevail. The rebels themselves, like any other intelli- 
gent people, respect an honorable, manly and consistent opponent. Ask 
Lee or any other intelligent rebel for his opinion, and he will t«ll you, I 
doubt not, that he would prefer the election of Grant for President to 
any ol those Janus-faced politicians, who professed to favor a vigorous 
prostcutioi of the war, while they opposed every means deemed essential 
to make the war a -success — who professed sympathy with the North, 
and. so far as thej dared, practised sympathy with the rebels — men who, 
like the Oow Tkiya of tfc« Ti«volQtion, livad aioag th« lines and stole from 



34 

both sides. [Langhter and applause.] Elect General Grant, and tha 
era of good feeling and fraternal concern will return. Elect Grant, and 
tlie busy hum of industry will be heard throughout the country ; trade 
and business of ail kinds will revive ; our commerce will again whiten 
every sea- 

My sixth and last reason is, that his nomination would be followed, 
oot only by his election, but by the election of a majority of Union 
Republicans in the next Congress. Look at a few facte and figures. 
According to the latest elections, if yon reject the entire votes of the 
ten rebel States, Grant would receive a majority of forty in the Electoral 
Colleges. That great party which voted for Lincoln, with inconsider- 
able exceptions, will support Grant. Before the warm and genial in- 
fluence of his great name, all differences of opinion on non-essential 
points will melt away, and Conservatives and Radicals will vie with 
each other in the generous strife to secure his election. [Applause.] 
Moderate men of all other parties will vot« for Grant, to secure tran- 
quilUty to the country. The army of discharged soldiers will recognize, 
in the call for Grant, the sound of the old bugle, and come forth to do 
honor to him who, by his bravery and success, has done so much to 
honor them. The capitalists who are so nobly represented on this plat- 
form, and, in the call for this meeting, interested in the preservation of 
the national credit and the public faith, will unite with the men of 
smaller means who have invested their property in Government securities, 
relying on the faith of the nation, and these will be joined by the farmers, 
the mechanics, the business men, the professional men and the hard- 
fisted laborer, forming, altogether, an army for Grant, irresistible in power 
and numbers. Then select for Vice-President some distinguished citizen 
whose name will be recognized as that of a man who sympathized warmly 
with OOT army and with the Union party daring the days of trial through 
which the country has passed ; some man who, uniting wisdom, pru- 
dence and discretion with integrity of character and firmness of purpose, 
can give assurance by his past record that, in case he should become 
President, the interests of the Union party, and the interests of the 
whole country, would be safe in his hands ; and we can enter the Presi- 
dential campaign with the certainty of sweeping everything before us, 
and of securing for our candidates and principles the approval of the 
American people. [Great applause.] 

It was nearly 11 o'clock when Mr. Tremaine concluded. 
The immense audience was full of excitement, and loud 
calls were being made for several speakers. Mr. Stkwart 



introduced Mr. Simeon B, Chittenden, who spoke as 
follows : 

Fkllow-Citizkns — If yon will come to order and listen to me, I will 
not detain yda more than five minutes ; and I challenge yom- attention 
and respect for daring to epeak at ail at this late hour, and after the 
splendid addresses just concluded. You have listened to an honored and 
successful soldier, whose brilliant and finished effort would grace the repu- 
tation of the ablest statesinan of any country, and to a distinguished and 
honorable politician, who has brought to bear upon this meeting the whole 
force of his masterly eloquonce; and now you are to have a very short 
speech, in the name and interest of a cla^js rarely spoken for on such occa- 
sions, by one who has come here with no other preparation than the 
inspiration of the hour, and an honest purpose to speak freely the true 
sentiments and convictions of the business men of New- York. I am no 
partizan, nor have 1 ever been. I ventured to aay, at the great meeting 
held in Wall street three or four days before the second election of Mr. 
Lincoln to the Presidency, that the first thing in order, after putting down 
the rebellion, was to extinguish the whole brood of corrupt politicians. 
That is as true now as then. The work remains to be done, and this ia 
the time to begin. The people who conduct the business and pay the 
taxes of this city are sick and weary of the furious, corrupt and corrupt- 
ing political contesta which have raged so long, and which have so fre- 
quently baffled and blasted the best purposes and prospects within their 
grasp. And now that slavery is dead, and impartial freedom and franchise 
secured for the millions lately in bondage, we demand fraternity and rest, 
and pledge our faithful efforts to secure them, while we joyfully believe 
that the nation will respond, amen 1 amen • In March, 1866, I had the 
pleasure of an introduction to the Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, on the floor of 
the House of Representatives, in Washington. After the usual inter- 
change of courtesies, Mr. Stevens spoke earnestly to me of his claim that 
the business men of New- York should take the right stand in respect to 
the perils which threatened to subvert our institutions, and exert the 
power they possessed to save the country. In an interval of his remarks 
I said, Mr. Stevens, your views and poUcy will weaken and damage tne 
loyal Union party, and, if persisted in, the Democrats will carry New- York, 
Pennsylvania and other of the loyal States in 1867, and our party, which 
justly and proudly wears the honor of saving the Union, will stand upon 
the verge of ruin. Then its great mission and work will only be com- 
pleted by the uprising of the people in 1868, demanding that Grant shall 
be President I know very well, fo! low-citizens, that prophets are at a 



dipcoant ; bat I am not afraid "jost once" to accept the discredit which 

siiclip to thorn, Qor wiD I, iu virnlication. slop to trace the 8t«pe by which 
wc have sieadily marched on towards the fulfilment of those predictions 
made nearly two years ago. Every intelligent citizen knows thai the 
material interests of this nation are suffering and wasting awaj, and 
capital and labor unite in the demand for repose from party strife, and 
that our public mein shall devote themselves freshly and vigorously to 
wise and patriotic legislation. And we have assembled here to-night to 
name the man for President, who, in our judgment, is best calculated to 
still the troubled waters, and give a new and prosperous impulse to every 
useful industry and occupation. You have already been reminded that 
our first President was the successful leader of the brave armies of the 
Revolution ; and if we are as susceptible of admiration and gratitude for 
glorious and valorous deeds aa our fathers were, it follows, of course, 
that General Grant will also be exalted and crowned with the highest 
honors. 1 venture to differ, moreover, with the last speaker, in respect to 
the method of nominating him. Washington waa nominated by the 
people; National Conventions had not then been invented — perhaps we 
cannot now dispense with them altogether; and when the principles and 
aims which control the selection of candidates rise no higher than the 
SQCcess of a favorite of a party, they are, of course, indisponsab'e. But 
the present occasion is exceptional. The country needs a leader now, 
whose patriotism is unrestrained by any ties, and who is in no sense a 
partizpn ; and I don't believe that the promoters of this meeting want 
General Grant ground through a party convention. Adherents to all 
parties will vote for him : no matter if all parties nominate him ; but we 
don't want him to stand upon any party platform. He needs no such 
support. His record before the whole world is his own grand platform, 
and three-fourths of the voters of this nation stand upon it with him to- 
day. Washington waa not required to make promises, when called by 
the confidence and gratitude of the people to preside over the destinies of 
the Republic. Lincoln was unanimously re-nominated at the Baltimore 
Convention, in 1864, against an under-current of bitter partizan opposi- 
tion — kept silent, however, by the might of the people's will, who had already 
named him for re-election with wonderful and irresistible unanimity. Con 
greas exacted no promises from Grant when he was made Lieutenant-General; 
Lincoln exacted none when he gave him command of all the armies of the 
Union — more than a million of men I and the people want no promises 
from him now. If he lives, he will be the next President of the United 
States ; and there is not force enough in all the machinery of both tfrft 
great poUticiil parties, if combined in one against him, to prevont thia. 



87 

The heart and the JndjTment of the nation ie Sxed ; and if it be necessary 
for tho accomplishment of their purpose, the people will snap the ties and 
break the lines of party, as their hero crashed the rebel lines aad armies 
before Richmond. We have a Grant party now, and, though scarcely 
organized yet, it is resolnte, powerful, resistless, and Bure to triumph. My 
five minutes are up. Good-night. 

General Cochrane then came forward, and said that 
owing to the lateness of the hour — 11 o'clock — it had been 
determined by the gentlemen on the platform who had not 
yet spoken, not to speak, and before adjourning, he pro- 
posed three rousing cheers for General Ulysses S. Graxt, 
which were given with hearty enthusiasm, and the vast 
audience di^spersed. 

OUTSIDE DKirONSTRATIONS. 

Immense crowds of people assembled in front and around 
the Square adjoining the Institute. The coldness of the 
weather prevented any organized meeting, but many thou- 
sands of enthusiastic citizens were prevented participating 
in the proceedings of the Hall — more than enough to fill 
the building five times over. This vast crowd were gratified 
by a brilliant display of fireworks, which included a piece 
surmounted by the word " Grant," supported by a galaxy 
of flags, with the eagle resting upon the shield, and under- 
neath the whole, the words " For President ;" a number of 
rockets. Union lanterns, red fire, Drummond lights, &c. 

The blazing of rockets and burning of masses of Greek 
fire produced an effect over the surrounding buildings and 
distant scenery scarcely equalled on any similar occasion- 



88 

NOMINATION OF GENERAL GRANT. 

Under the resolutions adopted at the Grant Meeting at 
the Cooper Institute, on the 4th inst, the following Com- 
mittee of twenty-five was appointed to carry out the objeota 
of that assemblage, and take measures calculated to secure 
the election of General Grant for President : 

WILLIAM B. ASTOR, pAMILTON FISH, 

JAMES BROWN, JOHN a JONKS, 

PETER COOPER, HENRY HILTOf^, 

JAMES H. BANKER, JONATHAN STURGRS, 

ROBERT L. STUART, MOSKS TAfLOR, 

WILLIAM T. BLODGETT, SAMUEL WETMORE, 

JOHN COCHRANE, JOHN E. WILLIAMS, 

S. B. CHITTENDEN, FREDERICK 8. WINSTON, 

WILLIAM E. DODGE, WILLIAM H. WEBB, 

JAMES HARPER, BENJAMIN B. SHERJLAN, 

0. K. GARRISON, F. B. CUTTING, 

MOSES H. GRINNELL, C. VANDERBILT, 
ALEXANDER T. STEWART, Chainnan. 

The first meeting of this Committee was held on Thurs- 
day evening, at the rasidence of their Chairman, and was 
attended by nearly all the members. 

After organizing, and appointing Henry Hilton, as Secre- 
tary, the Chairman proceeded to cull the attention of the 
Committee to a practical discussion of the most feasible 
method to secure, as far as possible, the object for which 
they were appointed. In doing so, he said that the meeting 
of the Committee, although preliminary, was very import- 
ant, as it was nei^essary at this time to settle upon a course 
of action for adoption tending to carry into effect the views 
of the meeting at Cooper Institute, from which the Com- 
mittee emanated. The main object being to secure the 
election of General Grant, the first thing to consider was 
how the Committee could aid in bringing about such a 
result He then gave a brief outline of what he regarded 
aa necessary for the Committee to do. 



89 

Ifirst He would avoid all conflicts with politicians, who 
might seek to use the Committee in behalf of candidates for 
Vice-President or any other position, giving all their efforts 
in aid of General Grant alone, upon the phitform laid down 
by the meeting — that is, his past record of services to the 
country, and a confidence that his judgment in the future, 
as in the past, might be safely relied on to carry the Gov- 
ernment through the many difficulties the country must 
necessarily encounter during the coming four yeara 

Second. He would issue a short business-circular to all 
commercial men in the country, urging them to do as had 
been done at Cooper Institute : not waiting for the jxiliticians 
to lead, but give in advance of them such an expression of 
the public opinion in every locality as would leave no 
doubt as to the choice of the people for President, and thus, 
as it were, give embodiment to the general public sentiment 
outside of party men, and force the nomination of General 
Grant upon, any political convention that might be held 
either by Republicans or Democrats. 

The names of various persona to whom he would address 
this circular cx)uld be obtaine<l from the business friends and 
connections of the members of the Committee, throughout 
the country, so as to embrace every person or firm ot im- 
portance, exclusively of a business character, adding such 
others as might be deemed useful, with whom to open a 
correspondence. 

Mr. Stewart, in expressing his views of the course to be 
adopted, remarked that it would be perceived he avoided 
all connection with mere politicans, while at the same time 
ao cause was given them for complaint In thus acting 
they would be showing their fellow-citizens everywhere that 
they had a decided preference for General Grant as a safe 
man to trust as Chief Magistrate ; and then, as business 
men, ask their commercial friends to come out in public 



LIBRfiRY OF CONGRESS 



^ 013 786 559 2 

meetings, and do Likewisa In this manner it Keemea to 
him they woald lead and eventually control those who now 
oontrol the people, and produce a lasting benefit to the 
whole country, in addition to setting an example for the 
future, which might be well regarded as the beginning of a 
system to end in the people expressing, in all cases, in ad- 
vance of conventions, their choice for leading public offices 
and officiala 

In accordance with these views, Judge Hilton submitted 
the form of a circular letter, which, after earnest speeches 
by Messrs. Grinnell, Sturges, Garrison, Cochraue, Hilton' 
Cooper, Dodge, Chittenden and Winston, received the ap- 
proval of the Committee, and was referred for adoption and 
circulation to an executive committee of five members, com- 
posed of Henry Hilton, Moses H. Grinnell, C. K, Garrison, 
Wni E. Dodge and John C(Xihrane, who were also author- 
ized to proceed in the manner suggested by Mr. Stewart, by 
etigaging headquart,ers and committee rooms, opening cor- 
respondence throughout the country with the business con- 
nections of the various gentlemen comprising the Commit- 
tee, arid all others disposed to join in popular demonstrations 
of like character to that had at the Cooper Institute, so as to 
present the name of General Grant as the nominee of the 
people. 

Mr. Stewart was made, ex officio, a member of the Sub- 
committee, a meeting of which, for immediate action, was 
called for Friday. 

Until suitable quarters can be rented, the Executive 
Committee will meet at the oflice oi ita Chairman, Henry 
Hilton, No. 262 Broadway. 



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